邓小平南巡讲话

Deng Xiao Ping speech during inspection tour of the South:
The speech is in both the original Chinese and also an English translation found in People’s Daily site. I have to say that I am getting more joy out of reading the speech in Chinese.  With improved Chinese skill and availability of my dictionary application  that I’ve developed, understanding Deng’s speech in Chinese is not such hard endeavour anymore.Hot smile 
 
It can also be observed that Chinese texts usually occupy much less space than texts written in English or other Romanised languages for that matter. Is Chinese a more concise language? I think so, as in the example below, the number of lines is about half that of English texts. 
 

 
(原题《在武昌、深圳、珠海、上海等地的谈话要点》)
1992年1月18日至2月21日
邓小平
 
(一)
1984年我来过广东。当时,农村改革搞了几年,城市改革刚开始,经济特区才起步。八年过去了,这次来看,深圳、珠海特区和其他一些地方,发展得这么快,我没有想到。看了以后,信心增加了。
 
革命是解放生产力,改革也是解放生产力,推翻帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义的反动统治,使中国人民的生产力获得解放,这是革命,所以革命是解放生产力。社会主义基本制度确立以后,还要从根本上改变束缚生产力发展的经济体制,建立起充满生机和活力的社会主义经济体制,促进生产力的发展,这是改革,所以改革也是解放生产力。过去,只讲在社会主义条件下发展生产力,没有讲还要通过改革解放生产力,不完全。应该把解放生产力和发展生产力两个讲全了。
 
I was here in Guangdong in 1984. At that time rural reform had been under way for several years, and we were just beginning to introduce urban reform and to establish special economic zones. Eight years have passed since then. This time, during my trip here, I have found that the rapid growth in the Shenzhen and Zhuhai special economic zones and some other areas has exceeded my expectations. After what I have seen, I am even more confident.
 
Revolution means the emancipation of the productive forces, and so does reform. The overthrow of the reactionary rule of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism helped release the productive forces of the Chinese people. This was revolution, so revolution means the emancipation of the productive forces. After the basic socialist system has been established, it is necessary to fundamentally change the economic structure that has hampered the development of the productive forces and to establish a vigorous socialist economic structure that will promote their development. This is reform, so reform also means the emancipation of the productive forces. In the past, we only stressed expansion of the productive forces under socialism, without mentioning the need to liberate them through reform. That conception was incomplete. Both the liberation and the expansion of the productive forces are essential.
 
 
要坚持党的十一届三中全会以来的路线方针政策,关键是坚持“一个中心、两个基本点”。不坚持社会主义,不改革开放,不发展经济,不改善人民生活,只能是死路一条。基本路线要管一百年,动摇不得。只有坚持这条路线,人民才会相信你,拥护你,谁要改变三中全会以来的路线方针政策,老百姓不答应,谁就会被打倒。这一点,我讲过几次。如果没有改革开放的成果,“六·四”这个关我们闯不过,闯不过就乱,乱就打内战,“文化大革命”就是内战。为什么“六·四”以后我们的国家能够很稳定?就是因为我们搞了改革开放,促进了经济发展,人民生活得到了改善。所以,军队、国家政权,都要维护这条道路、这个制度、这些政策。
 
在这短短的十几年内,我们国家发展得这么快,使人民高兴,世界瞩目,这就足以证明三中全会以来路线、方针、政策的正确性,谁想变也变不了。说过去说过来,就是一句话,坚持这个路线、方针、政策不变。改革开放以来,我们立的章程并不少,而且是全方位的。经济、政治、科技、教育、文化、军事、外交等各个方面都有明确的方针和政策,而且有准确的表述语言。这次十三届八中全会开得好,肯定农村家庭联产承包责任制不变。一变就人心不安,人们就会说中央的政策变了。
 
In upholding the line, principles and policies formulated since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC, it is essential to adhere to the principle of “one central task and two basic points”. If we did not adhere to socialism, implement the policies of reform and opening to the outside world, develop the economy and raise living standards, we would find ourselves in a blind alley. We should adhere to the basic line for a hundred years, with no vacillation. That is the only way to win the trust and support of the people. Any one who attempted to change the line, principles and policies adopted since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee would not be countenanced by the people; he would be toppled. I have said this several times. Had it not been for the achievements of the reform and the open policy, we could not have weathered June 4th. And if we had failed that test, there would have been chaos and civil war. The “cultural revolution” was a civil war. Why was it that our country could remain stable after the June 4th Incident? It was precisely because we had carried out the reform and the open policy, which have promoted economic growth and raised living standards. The army and the government should therefore safeguard the socialist system and these policies.
 
In the short span of the last dozen years, the rapid development of our country has delighted the people and attracted world attention. This suffices to prove the correctness of the line, principles and policies adopted since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. No one could change them, even if he wanted to. After all that’s been said, I can sum up our position in one sentence: we shall keep to this line and these principles and policies. Since we introduced the reform and the open policy, we have drawn up many rules and regulations covering all fields of endeavour. Clear-cut guidelines and policies concerning economic and political affairs, science and technology, education, culture and military and foreign affairs have been worked out and expressed in precise terms. The recent Eighth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee was a success. It declared that the rural household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output should remain unchanged. Any change in that system would cause concern among the people, who would say that the Central Committee had altered its policy.
 
农村改革初期,安徽出了个“傻子瓜子”问题。当时许多人不舒服,说他赚了一百万,主张动他。我说不能动,一动人们就会说政策变了,得不偿失。象这一类的问题还有不少,如果处理不当,就很容易动摇我们的方针,影响改革的全局。城乡改革的基本政策,一定要长期保持稳定。当然,随着实践的发展,该完善的完善,该修补的修补,但总的要坚定不移。即使没有新的主意也可以,就是不要变,不要使人们感到政策变了。有了这一条,中国就大有希望。
 
In the initial stage of the rural reform, there emerged in Anhui Province the issue of the “Fool’s Sunflower Seeds”. Many people felt uncomfortable with this man who had made a profit of 1 million yuan. They called for action to be taken against him. I said that no action should be taken, because that would make people think we had changed our policies, and the loss would outweigh the gain. There are many problems like this one, and if we don’t handle them properly, our policies could easily be undermined and overall reform affected. The basic policies for urban and rural reform must be kept stable for a long time to come.
Of course, as the reform progresses, some of these policies should be improved or amended as necessary. But we should keep firmly to our general direction. It doesn’t matter much whether we can come up with new ideas. What matters is that we should not change our policies and should not make people feel that we are changing them. Then, the prospects for China will be excellent.
 
 
(二)
改革开放胆子要大一些,敢于试验,不能像小脚女人一 样。看准了的,就大胆地试,大胆地闯。深圳的重要经验就是敢闯。没有一点闯的精神,没有一点“冒”的精神,没有一股气呀、劲呀,就走不出一条好路,走不出一条新路,就干不出新的事业。不冒点风险,办什么事情都有百分之百的把握,万无一失,谁敢说这样的话?一开始就自以为是,认为百分之百正确,没那么回事,我就从来没有那么认为。每年领导层都要总结经验,对的就坚持,不对的赶快改,新问题出来抓紧解决。恐怕再有30年的时间,我们才会在各方面形成一整套更加成熟、更加定型的制度。在这个制度下的方针、政策,也将更加定型化。现在建设中国式的社会主义,经验一天比一天丰富。经验很多,从各省的报刊材料看,都有自己的特色。这样好嘛,就是要有创造性。
 

We should be bolder than before in conducting reform and opening to the outside and have the courage to experiment. We must not act like women with bound feet. Once we are sure that something should be done, we should dare to experiment and break a new path. That is the important lesson to be learned from Shenzhen. If we don’t have the pioneering spirit, if we’re afraid to take risks, if we have no energy and drive, we cannot break a new path, a good path, or accomplish anything new. Who dares claim that he is 100 per cent sure of success and that he is taking no risks? No one can ever be 100 per cent sure at the outset that what he is doing is correct. I’ve never been that sure. Every year leaders should review what they have done, continuing those measures that have proved correct, acting promptly to change those that have proved wrong and tackling new problems as soon as they are identified.

It will probably take another thirty years for us to develop a more mature and well-defined system in every field. The principles and policies to be applied under each system will also be more firmly established. We are constantly accumulating more experience in building a Chinese-style socialism. Judging from the local press, the provinces have gained considerable experience, each proceeding in light of its own particular features. That’s good. Creativity is just what we want.

 

改革开放迈不开步子,不敢闯,说来说去就是怕资本主义的东西多了,走了资本主义道路。要害是姓“资”还是姓“社”的问题。判断的标准,应该主要看是否有利于发展社会主义社会的生产力,是否有利于增强社会主义国家的综合国力,是否有利于提高人民的生活水平。对办特区,从一开始就有不同意见,担心是不是搞资本主义。深圳的建设成就,明确回答了那些有这样那样担心的人。特区姓“社”不姓“资”。从深圳的情况看,公有制是主体,外商投资只占四分之一,就是外资部分,我们还可以从税收、劳务等方面得到益处嘛!多搞点“三资”企业,不要怕。只要我们头脑清醒,就不怕。我们有优势,有国营大中型企业,有乡镇企业,更重要的是政权在我们手里。
 
有的人认为,多一分外资,就多一分资本主义,“三资”企业多了,就是资本主义的东西多了,就是发展了资本主义,这些人连基本常识都没有。我国现阶段的“三资”企业,按照现行的法规政策,外商总是要赚一 些钱。但是,国家还要拿回税收,工人还要拿回工资,我们还可以学习技术和管理,还可以得到信息、打开市常因此,“三资”企业受到我国整个政治、经济条件的制约,是社会主义经济的有益补充,归根到底是有利于社会主义的。
 
计划多一点还是市场多一点,不是社会主义与资本主义的本质区别。计划经济不等于社会主义,资本主义也有计划;市场经济不等于资本主义,社会主义也有市常计划和市场都是经济手段。社会主义的本质,是解放生产力,发展生产力,消灭剥削,消除两极分化,最终达到共同富裕。就是要对大家讲这个道理。证券、股市,这些东西究竟好不好,有没有危险,是不是资本主义独有的东西,社会主义能不能用?
 
 The reason some people hesitate to carry out the reform and the open policy and dare not break new ground is, in essence, that they’re afraid it would mean introducing too many elements of capitalism and, indeed, taking the capitalist road. The crux of the matter is whether the road is capitalist or socialist. The chief criterion for making that judgement should be whether it promotes the growth of the productive forces in a socialist society, increases the overall strength of the socialist state and raises living standards. As for building special economic zones, some people disagreed with the idea right from the start, wondering whether it would not mean introducing capitalism. The achievements in the construction of Shenzhen have given these people a definite answer: special economic zones are socialist, not capitalist. In the case of Shenzhen, the publicly owned sector is the mainstay of the economy, while the foreign-invested sector accounts for only a quarter. And even in that sector, we benefit from taxes and employment opportunities. We should have more of the three kinds of foreign-invested ventures [joint, cooperative and foreign-owned]. There is no reason to be afraid of them. So long as we keep level-headed, there is no cause for alarm. We have our advantages: we have the large and medium-sized state-owned enterprises and the rural enterprises. More important, political power is in our hands.
 
Some people argue that the more foreign investment flows in and the more ventures of the three kinds are established, the more elements of capitalism will be introduced and the more capitalism will expand in China. These people lack basic knowledge. At the current stage, foreign-funded enterprises in China are allowed to make some money in accordance with existing laws and policies. But the government levies taxes on those enterprises, workers get wages from them, and we learn technology and managerial skills. In addition, we can get information from them that will help us open more markets. Therefore, subject to the constraints of China’s overall political and economic conditions, foreign-funded enterprises are useful supplements to the socialist economy, and in the final analysis they are good for socialism.
 
 The proportion of planning to market forces is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism. A planned economy is not equivalent to socialism, because there is planning under capitalism too; a market economy is not capitalism, because there are markets under socialism too. Planning and market forces are both means of controlling economic activity. The essence of socialism is liberation and development of the productive forces, elimination of exploitation and polarization, and the ultimate achievement of prosperity for all. This concept must be made clear to the people. Are securities and the stock market good or bad?
 
  
 
允许看,但要坚决地试。看对了,搞一两年对了,放开;错了,纠正,关了就是了。关,也可以快关,也可以慢关,也可以留一点尾巴。怕什么,坚持这种态度就不要紧,就不会犯大错误。总之,社会主义要赢得与资本主义相比较的优势,就必须大胆吸收和借鉴人类社会创造的一切文明成果,吸收和借鉴当今世界各国包括资本主义发达国家的一切反映现代社会化生产规律的先进经营方式、管理方法。
 
走社会主义道路,就是要逐步实现共同富裕。共同富裕的构想是这样提出的:一部分地区有条件先发展起来,一部分地区发展慢点,先发展起来的地区带动后发展的地区,最终达到共同富裕。如果富的愈来愈富,穷的愈来愈穷,两极分化就会产生,而社会主义制度就应该而且能够避免两极分化。解决的办法之一,就是先富起来的地区多交点利税,支持贫困地区的发展。当然,太早这样办也不行,现在不能削弱发达地区的活力,也不能鼓励吃“大锅饭”。什么时候突出地提出和解决这个问题,在什么基础上提出和解决这个问题,要研究。可以设想,在本世纪末达到小康水平的时候,就要突出地提出和解决这个问题。到那个时候,发达地区要继续发展,并通过多交利税和技术转让等方式大力支持不发达地区。不发达地区又大都是拥有丰富资源的地区,发展潜力是很大的。总之,就全国范围来说,我们一定能够逐步顺利解决沿海同内地贫富差距的问题。
 
Do they entail any dangers? Are they peculiar to capitalism? Can socialism make use of them? We allow people to reserve their judgement, but we must try these things out. If, after one or two years of experimentation, they prove feasible, we can expand them. Otherwise, we can put a stop to them and be done with it. We can stop them all at once or gradually, totally or partially. What is there to be afraid of? So long as we keep this attitude, everything will be all right, and we shall not make any major mistakes. In short, if we want socialism to achieve superiority over capitalism, we should not hesitate to draw on the achievements of all cultures and to learn from other countries, including the developed capitalist countries, all advanced methods of operation and techniques of management that reflect the laws governing modern socialized production.
 
To take the road to socialism is to realize common prosperity step by step. Our plan is as follows: where conditions permit, some areas may develop faster than others; those that develop faster can help promote the progress of those that lag behind, until all become prosperous. If the rich keep getting richer and the poor poorer, polarization will emerge. The socialist system must and can avoid polarization. One way is for the areas that become prosperous first to support the poor ones by paying more taxes or turning in more profits to the state. Of course, this should not be done too soon. At present, we don’t want to dampen the vitality of the developed areas or encourage the practice of having everyone “eat from the same big pot”. We should study when to raise this question and how to settle it. I can imagine that the right time might be the end of this century, when our people are living a fairly comfortable life. At that time, while developed areas continue to grow, they should also give strong support to less developed areas by paying more taxes, turning in more profits and transferring technology. Most of the less developed areas are rich in resources and have great potential for development. In short, taking the country as whole, I am confident that we can gradually bridge the gap between coastal and inland areas.
 
 
对改革开放,一开始就有不同意见,这是正常的。不只是经济特区问题,更大的问题是农村改革,搞农村家庭联产承包,废除人民公社制度。开始的时候只有三分之一的省干起来,第二年超过三分之二,第三年才差不多全部跟上,这是就全国范围讲的,开始搞并不踊跃呀,好多人在看。我们的政策就是允许看。允许看,比强制好得多。我们推行三中全会以来的路线、方针、政策,不搞强迫,不搞运动,愿意干就干,干多少是多少,这样慢慢就跟上来了。不搞争论,是我的一个发明。不争论,是为了争取时间干。一争论就复杂了,把时间都争掉了,什么也干不成,不争论,大胆地试,大胆地闯。农村改革是如此,城市改革也应如此。
现在,有右的东西影响我们,也有“左”的东西影响我们,但根深蒂固的还是“左”的东西。有些理论家、政治家,拿大帽子吓唬人的,不是右,而是“左”。“左”带有革命的色彩,好像越“左”越革命,“左”的东西在我们党的历史上可怕呀!一个好好的东西,一下子被他搞掉了。右可以葬送社会主义,“左”也可以葬送社会主义。中国要警惕右,但主要是防止“左”。右的东西有,动乱就是右的!“左”的东西也有。把改革开放说成是引进和发展资本主义,认为和平演变的主要危险来自经济领域,这些就是“左”。我们必须保持清醒的头脑,这样就不会犯大错误,出现问题也容易纠正和改正。
 
In the beginning opinions were divided about the reform and the open policy. That was normal. The difference was not only over the special economic zones but also over the bigger issues, such as the rural reform that introduced the household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output and abolished the system of people’s communes. Initially, in the country as a whole, only one third of the provinces launched the reform. By the second year, however, more than two thirds of them had done so, and the third year almost all the rest joined in. At first, people were not enthusiastic about rural reform, and many waited to see how it would work. It was our policy to permit people to do that, which was much better than coercing them. In carrying out the line, principles and policies adopted since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, we did not resort to compulsion or mass movements. People were allowed to follow the line on a voluntary basis, doing as much or as little as they wished. In this way, others gradually followed suit. It was my idea to discourage contention, so as to have more time for action. Once disputes begin, they complicate matters and waste a lot of time. As a result, nothing is accomplished. Don’t argue; try bold experiments and blaze new trails. That’s the way it was with rural reform, and that’s the way it should be with urban reform.
 
At present, we are being affected by both Right and “Left” tendencies. But it is the “Left” tendencies that have the deepest roots. Some theorists and politicians try to intimidate people by pinning political labels on them. That is not a Right tactic but a “Left” one. “Left” tendencies have a revolutionary connotation, giving the impression that the more “Left” one is, the more revolutionary one is. In the history of the Party, those tendencies have led to dire consequences. Some fine things were destroyed overnight. Right tendencies can destroy socialism, but so can “Left” ones. China should maintain vigilance against the Right but primarily against the “Left”. The Right still exists, as can be seen from disturbances. But the “Left” is there too. Regarding reform and the open policy as means of introducing capitalism, and seeing the danger of peaceful evolution towards capitalism as coming chiefly from the economic sphere are “Left” tendencies. If we keep clear heads, we shall not commit gross errors, and when problems emerge, they can be easily put right.
 
(三)
抓住时机,发展自己,关键是发展经济。现在,周边一 些国家和地区经济发展比我们快,如果我们不发展或发展得太慢,老百姓一比较就有问题了。所以,能发展就不要阻挡,有条件的地方要尽可能搞快点,只要是讲效益,讲质量,搞外向型经济,就没有什么可以担心的。低速度就等于停步,甚至等于后退。要抓机会,现在就是好机会。我就担心丧失机会。不抓呀,看到的机会就丢掉了,时间一晃就过去了。
 
我国的经济发展,总要力争隔几年上一个台阶。当然,不是鼓励不切实际的高速度,还是要扎扎实实,讲求效益,稳步协调地发展。比如广东,要上几个台阶,力争用20年的时间赶上亚洲“四小龙”。比如江苏等发展比较好的地区,就应该比全国平均速度快。又比如上海,目前完全有条件搞得更快一点。上海在人才、技术和管理方面都有明显的优势,辐射面宽。回过头看,我的一个大失误就是搞四个经济特区时没有加上上海。要不然,现在长江三角洲,整个长江流域,乃至全国改革开放的局面,都会不一样。
If we are to seize opportunities to promote China’s all-round development, it is crucial to expand the economy. The economies of some of our neighbouring countries and regions are growing faster than ours. If our economy stagnates or develops only slowly, the people will make comparisons and ask why. Therefore, those areas that are in a position to develop should not be obstructed. Where local conditions permit, development should proceed as fast as possible. There is nothing to worry about so long as we stress efficiency and quality and develop an export-oriented economy. Slow growth equals stagnation and even retrogression. We must grasp opportunities; the present offers an excellent one. The only thing I worry about is that we may lose opportunities. If we don’t seize them, they will slip through our fingers as time speeds by.
 
In developing the economy, we should strive to reach a higher level every few years. Of course, this should not be interpreted as encouraging unrealistic speed. We should do solid work, stressing efficiency, so as to realize steady, coordinated progress. Guangdong, for example, should try to mount several steps and catch up with the “four little dragons” of Asia in twenty years. In relatively developed areas such as Jiangsu Province, growth should be faster than the national average. Shanghai is another example. It has all the necessary conditions for faster progress. It enjoys obvious advantages in skilled people, technology and management and can have an impact over a wide area. In retrospect, one of my biggest mistakes was leaving out Shanghai when we launched the four special economic zones. If Shanghai had been included, the situation with regard to reform and opening in the Yangtze Delta, the entire Yangtze River valley and, indeed, the whole country would be quite different.
 
从我们自己这些年的经验来看,经济发展隔几年上一个台阶,是能够办得到的。我们真正干起来是1980年。81、82、83这三年,改革主要在农村进行。84年重点转入城市改革。
Judging from what we have accomplished in recent years, it should be possible for our economy to reach a new stage every few years. We actually started the reform in 1980. In 1981, 1982 and 1983 it was carried out primarily in the countryside. In 1984 the focus shifted to urban areas.
 
 
经济发展比较快的是84年至88年。这5年,首先是农村改革带来许多新的变化,农作物大幅度增产,农民收入大幅度增加,乡镇企业异军突起。广大农民购买力增加了,不仅盖了大批新房子,而且自行车、缝纫机、收音机、手表“四大件”和一些高档消费品进入普通农民家庭。农副产品的增加,农村市场的扩大,农村剩余劳动力的转移,又强有力地推动了工业的发展。
 
这五年,共创造工业总产值6万多亿元,平均每年增长21.7%。吃、穿、注行、用等各方面的工业品,包括彩电、冰箱、洗衣机,都大幅度增长。钢材、水泥等生产资料也大幅度增长。农业和工业,农村和城市,就是这样相互影响、相互促进。这是一个非常生动、非常有说服力的发展过程。可以说,这个期间我国财富有了巨额增加,整个国民经济上了一个新的台阶。89年开始治理整顿。治理整顿,我是赞成的,而且确实需要。经济“过热”,确实带来一些问题。比如,票子发得多了一点,物价波动大了一点,重复建设比较严重,造成了一些浪费。但是,怎样全面地来看那五 年的加速发展?那五年的加速发展,也可以称作一种飞跃,但与“大跃进”不同,没有伤害整个发展的机体、机制。那五 年的加速发展功劳不小,这是我的评价。治理整顿有成绩,但评价功劳,只算稳的功劳,还是那五年加速发展也算一功?或者至少算是一方面的功?如果不是那几年跳跃一下,整个经济上了一个台阶,后来三年治理整顿不可能顺利进行。看起来我们的发展,总是要在某一个阶段,抓住时机,加速搞几年,发现问题及时加以治理,尔后继续前进。从根本上说,手头东西多了,我们在处理各种矛盾和问题时就立于主动地位。
 
对于我们这样发展中的大国来说,经济要发展得快一点,不可能总是那么平平静静、稳稳当当。要注意经济稳定、协调地发展,但稳定和协调也是相对的,不是绝对的。发展才是硬道理。这个问题要搞清楚。如果分析不当,造成误解,就会变得谨小慎微,不敢解放思想,不敢放开手脚,结果是丧失时机,犹如逆水行舟,不进则退。
从国际经验来看,一些国家在发展过程中,都曾经有过高速发展时期,或若干高速发展阶段。日本、南朝鲜、东南亚一些国家和地区,就是如此。现在,我们国内条件具备,国际环境有利,再加上发挥社会主义制度能够集中力量办大事的优势,在今后的现代化建设长过程中,出现若干个发展速度比较快、效益比较好的阶段,是必要的,也是能够办到的,我们就是要有这个雄心壮志!
 
The years from 1984 to 1988 witnessed comparatively rapid economic growth. During those five years rural reform brought about many changes: grain output increased substantially, as did the peasants’ income, and rural enterprises emerged as a new force. The purchasing power of peasants increased and many new houses were built. The “four big items” — bicycles, sewing machines, radios and wristwatches — entered ordinary peasant households, along with some more expensive consumer goods. The increase of farm and sideline products, the expansion of rural markets and the shift of surplus farm labour to rural enterprises stimulated industrial development.
 
In those five years the gross industrial output value amounted to more than 6 trillion yuan, with an average annual growth rate of 21.7 per cent. Production of processed food, clothing, housing, transportation and commodities for daily use, including major appliances such as colour TV sets, refrigerators and washing machines, increased by a wide margin. There was also substantial growth in the production of capital goods such as rolled steel and cement. Thus, agriculture and industry, rural areas and urban areas had a reciprocal impact, progress in one sector promoting progress in the other. This is a vivid, convincing model of the development process. It can be said that during this period China’s wealth expanded considerably, and the economy as a whole was raised to a new level. In 1989 we began the drive to improve the economic environment and rectify the economic order, which I endorsed because it was plainly necessary. The overheated economy had resulted in a number of problems. For instance, the issuance of too much currency had led to major price rises, and there was much wasteful duplicate construction.
 
Nevertheless, what should be our overall assessment of the accelerated development in those five years? We might call it a leap, but unlike the Great Leap Forward of 1958, it did not damage the structure and mechanisms of economic development as a whole. In my opinion, the accelerated development of that period was no small contribution. Our three-year effort to improve the economic environment and rectify the economic order was a success. But in assessing that effort, we can say it was an achievement only in the sense that we stabilized the economy. Should not the accelerated development of the preceding five years be considered an achievement too? An achievement in one respect at least? Had it not been for the leap in those years when the economy rose to a new level, the readjustment of the following three years could not have been carried out so smoothly.
 
It seems to me that, as a rule, at certain stages we should seize the opportunity to accelerate development for a few years, deal with problems as soon as they are recognized, and then move on. Basically, when we have enough material wealth, we shall have the initiative in handling contradictions and problems. For a big developing nation like China, it is impossible to attain faster economic growth steadily and smoothly at all times. Attention must be paid to stable and proportionate development, but stable and proportionate are relative terms, not absolute. Development is the absolute principle. We must be clear about this question. If we fail to analyse it properly and to understand it correctly, we shall become overcautious, not daring to emancipate our minds and act freely. Consequently, we shall lose opportunities. Like a boat sailing against the current, we must forge ahead or be swept downstream.
 
The experience of other countries shows that some of them — Japan, South Korea and parts of Southeast Asia, for example — have gone through one or more periods of rapid development. Since we have the necessary domestic conditions and a favourable international environment, and since under the socialist system we have the advantage of being able to concentrate our forces on a major task, it is now both possible and necessary for us to bring about, in the prolonged process of modernization, several periods of rapid growth with good economic returns. We must have this ambition.
 
经济发展得快一点,必须依靠科技和教育。我说科学技术是第一生产力。近一二十年来,世界科学技术发展得多快啊!高科技领域的一个突破,带动一批产业的发展。我们自己这几年,离开科学技术能增长得这么快吗?要提倡科学,靠科学才有希望。近十几年来我国科技进步不小,希望在九十 年代,进步得更快。每一行都树立一个明确的战略目标,一 定要打赢。高科技领域,中国也要在世界占有一席之地,我是个外行,但我要感谢科技工作者为国家作出的贡献和争得的荣誉。大家要记住那个年代,钱学森,李四光、钱三强那一批老科学家,在那么困难的条件下,把两弹一星和好多高科技搞起来。应该说,现在的科学家更幸福,因此对他们的要求会更多。我说过,知识分子是工人阶级的一部分。老科学家、中年科学家很重要,青年科学家也很重要。希望所有出国学习的人回来。不管他们过去的政治态度怎么样,都可以回来,回来后妥善安排。这个政策不能变。告诉他们,要做出贡献,还是回国好。希望大家通力合作,为加快发展我国科技和教育事业多做实事。搞科技,越高越好,越新越好,越高越新,我们也就越高兴。不只我们高兴,人民高兴,国家高兴。对我们的国家要爱,要让我们的国家发达起来。
 
Rapid development of the economy can only be based on science, technology and education. I have said that science and technology are a primary productive force. How fast they have progressed over the past 10 or 20 years! One breakthrough in the field of high technology promotes the growth of several industries. Could we have developed so rapidly in recent years without science and technology? We must promote science, for that is where our hope lies. Over the past decade China has made substantial progress in science and technology; I hope still greater progress can be made in the 1990s. People in every field of endeavour should set a clear-cut strategic goal and reach it. China should take its place in the world in the field of high technology too. I am no professional, but I want to thank the scientists and engineers for their contributions to China and the honours they have won for our country. We should remember the days when scientists of the older generation, such as Qian Xuesen, Li Siguang and Qian Sanqiang, developed the atomic and hydrogen bombs, satellites and many other high technologies under extremely difficult conditions. It should be said that scientists are luckier today, so we can demand more of them.
 
I have said that intellectuals are part of the working class. Veteran and middle-aged scientists are important, and so are young ones. We hope all those who are studying abroad will come back. All overseas students may return and enjoy proper arrangements for their life and work, regardless of their previous political attitudes. This policy will not change. They should be told that if they want to make their contributions, it would be better for them to come home. I hope that concerted efforts will be made to accelerate progress in China’s scientific, technological and educational undertakings. We should develop science and technology, and the higher and newer the technologies are, the better, and the more delighted we shall be — and not just we, but the entire people and the state. We should all love our country and help to develop it.
(四)
要坚持两手抓,一手抓改革开放,一手抓打击各种犯罪活动。这两只手都要硬。打击各种犯罪活动,扫除各种丑恶现象,手软不得。广东二十年赶上亚洲“四小龙”,不仅经济要上去,社会秩序、社会风气也要搞好,两个文明建设都要超过他们,这才是有中国特色的社会主义。新加坡的社会秩序算是好的,他们管得严,我们应当借鉴他们的经验,而且比他们管得更好。开放以后,一些腐朽的东西也跟着进来了,中国的一些地方也出现了丑恶的现象,如吸毒、嫖娼、经济犯罪等。要注意很好地抓,坚决取缔和打击,决不能任其发展。新中国成立以后,只花了三年时间,这些东西就一扫而光。吸鸦片烟、吃白面,世界上谁能消灭得了?国民党办不到。资本主义办不到,事实证明,共产党能够消灭丑恶的东西。在整个改革开放过程中都要反对腐败。对干部和共产党员来说,廉政建设要作为大事来抓。还是要靠法制,搞法制靠得住些。总之,只要我们的生产力发展,保持一定的经济增长速度,坚持两手抓,社会主义精神文明建设就可以搞上去。
在整个改革开放的过程中,必须始终注意坚持四项基本原则。十二届六中全会我提出反对资产阶级自由化还要搞二 十年,现在看起来还不只二十年。资产阶级自由化泛滥,后果极其严重。特区搞建设,花了十几年时间才有这个样子,垮起来可是一夜之间啊,垮起来容易,建设就很难。在苗头出现时不注意,就会出事。
依靠无产阶级专政保卫社会主义制度,这是马克思主义的一个基本观点。马克思说过,阶级斗争学说不是他的发明,真正的发明是关于无产阶级专政的理论。历史经验证明,刚刚掌握政权的新兴阶级,一般来说,总是弱于敌对阶级的力量,因此要用专政的手段来巩固政权。对人民实行民主,对敌人实行专政,这就是人民民主专政。运用人民民主专政的力量,巩固人民的政权,是正义的事情,没有什么输理的地方。我们搞社会主义才几十年,还处在初级阶段。巩固和发展社会主义制度,还需要一个很长的历史阶段,需要我们几代人、十几代人,甚至几十代人坚持不懈地努力奋斗,决不能掉以轻心。
 
There are two tasks we have to keep working at: on the one hand, the reform and opening process, and on the other, the crackdown on crime. We must be steadfast with regard to both. In combating crime and eliminating social evils, we must not be soft. Guangdong is trying to catch up with Asia’s “four little dragons” in 20 years, not only in terms of economic growth, but also in terms of improved public order and general social conduct — that is, we should surpass them in both material and ethical progress. Only that can be considered building socialism with Chinese characteristics. Thanks to a strict administration, Singapore has good public order. We should learn from its experience and surpass it in this respect.
 
Since China opened its doors to the outside world, decadent things have come in along with the others, and evils such as drug abuse, prostitution and economic crimes have emerged in some areas. Special attention must be paid to these evils, and resolute measures must be taken to stamp them out and prevent them from spreading. After the founding of New China, it took only three years to wipe these things out. Who in this world has ever been able to eliminate the abuse of opium and heroin? Neither the Kuomintang nor the capitalist countries. But facts have shown that the Communist Party was able to do it.
Throughout the process of reform and opening, we must combat corruption. Cadres and Party members should consider it of prime importance to build a clean government. But we still have to rely on the law, which provides a firm guarantee. In short, so long as we develop our productive forces, maintain a reasonable economic growth rate, promote reform and opening and, at the same time, crack down on crime, we shall be able to build a socialist society with advanced ethical standards.
 
Throughout the process of reform and opening, we must also adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles. At the Sixth Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee I said that the struggle against bourgeois liberalization must be conducted for twenty years. Now it seems it will take longer. The rampant spread of bourgeois liberalization may have grave consequences. It has taken the special economic zones more than ten years to reach the present stage. They can collapse overnight. Collapse is easy, but construction is difficult. If we don’t nip bourgeois liberalization in the bud, we may find ourselves in trouble.
 
One of the basic concepts of Marxism is that the socialist system must be defended by the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marx once said the theory of class struggle was not his discovery. His real discovery was the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. History has proved that a new, rising class that has just taken power is, generally speaking, weaker than the opposing classes. It must therefore resort to dictatorship to consolidate its power. Democracy is practised within the ranks of the people and dictatorship over the enemy. This is the people’s democratic dictatorship. It is right to consolidate the people’s power by employing the force of the people’s democratic dictatorship. There is nothing wrong in that. We have been building socialism for only a few decades and are still in the primary stage. It will take a very long historical period to consolidate and develop the socialist system, and it will require persistent struggle by many generations, a dozen or even several dozens. We can never rest on our oars.
 
 
(五)
正确的政治路线要靠正确的组织路线来保证。中国的事情能不能办好,社会主义和改革开发能不能坚持,经济能不能快一点发展起来,国家能不能长治久安,从一定意义上说,关键在人。
帝国主义搞和平演变,把希望寄托在我们以后的几代人身上。江泽民同志他们这一代可以算是第三代,还有第四代、第五代。我们这些老一辈的人在,有分量,敌对势力知道变不了。但我们这些老人呜呼哀哉后,谁来保险?所以,要把我们的军队教育好,把我们的专政机构教育好,把共产党员教育好,把人民和青年教育好。中国要出问题,还是出在共产党内部。对这个问题要清醒,要注意培养人,要按照“革命化、年轻化、知识化、专业化”的标准,选拔德才兼备的人进班子。我们说党的基本路线要管一百年,要长治久安,就要靠这一条。真正关系到大局的是这个事。这是眼前的一个问题,并不是已经顺利解决了,希望解决得好。“文化大革命”结束,我出来后,就注意这个问题。我们发现靠我们这老一代解决不了长治久安的问题,于是我们推荐别的人,真正要找第三代。但是没有解决问题,两个人都失败了,而且不是在经济上出现问题,都是在反对资产阶级自由化的问题上栽跟头。这就不能让了。我在89年5月底还说过,现在就是要选人民公认是坚持改革开放路线并有政绩的人,大胆地放进新的领导机构里,使人民感到我们真心诚意搞改革开放。
人民,是看实践。人民一看,还是社会主义好,还是改革开放好,我们的事业就会万古长青!
要进一步找年轻人进班子。现在中央这个班子年龄还是大了点,60过一点的就算年轻的了。这些人过10年还可以,再过20年,就80多岁了,像我今天这样聊聊天还可以,做工作精力就不够了。现在中央的班子干得不错嘛!问题当然还有很多,什么时候问题都不会少。我们这些老人关键是不管事,让新上来的人放手干,看着现在的同志成熟起来。老年人自觉让位,在旁边可以帮助一下,但不要作障碍人的事。
对于办得不妥当的事,也要好心好意地帮,要注意下一代接班人的培养。我坚持退下来,就是不要在老年的时候犯错误。
老年人有长处,但也有很大的弱点,老年人容易固执,因此老年人也要有点自觉性。越老越不要最后犯错误,越老越要谦虚一点。现在还要继续选人,选更年轻的同志,帮助培养。
不要迷信。我二十几岁就做大官了,不比你们现在懂得多,不是也照样干?要选人,人选好了,帮助培养,让更多的年轻人成长起来。他们成长起来,我们就放心了,现在还不放心啊!说到底,关键是我们共产党内部要搞好,不出事,就可以放心睡大觉。十一届三中全会确立的这条中国的发展路线,是否能够坚持得住,要靠大家努力,特别是要教育后代。
现在有一个问题,就是形式主义多。电视一打开,尽是会议。会议多,文章太长,讲话也太长,而且内容重复,新的语言并不很多。重复的话要讲,但要精简。形式主义也是官僚主义。要腾出时间来多办实事,多做少说。毛主席不开长会,文章短而精,讲话也很精练。周总理四届人大的报告,毛主席指定我负责起草,要求不得超过5000字,我完成了任务。5000字,不是也很管用吗?我建议抓一下这个问题。
学马列要精,要管用的。长篇的东西是少数搞专业的人读的,群众怎么读?要求都读大本子,那是形式主义的,办不到。我的入门老师是《共产党宣言》和《共产主义ABC》。
最近,有的外国人议论,马克思主义是打不倒的。打不倒,并不是因为大本子多,而是因为马克思主义的真理颠扑不破。实事求是是马克思主义的精髓。要提倡这个,不要提倡本本。我们改革开放的成功,不是靠本本,而是靠实践,靠实事求是。
农村搞家庭联产承包,这个发明权是农民的。农村改革中的好多东西,都是基层创造出来,我们把它拿来加工提高作为全国的指导。实践是检验真理的唯一标准。我读的书并不多,就是一条,相信毛主席讲的实事求是。过去我们打仗靠这个,现在搞建设、搞改革也靠这个。我们讲了一辈子马克思主义,其实马克思主义并不玄奥。马克思主义是很朴实的东西,很朴实的道理。
 
The implementation of the correct political line must be ensured by a correct organizational line. In a sense, whether we can manage our domestic affairs well, whether we can keep to the socialist road and adhere to reform and the open policy, whether we can develop the economy more rapidly and whether we can maintain long-term peace and stability will all be determined by people.
 
The imperialists are pushing for peaceful evolution towards capitalism in China, placing their hopes on the generations that will come after us. Comrade Jiang Zemin and his peers can be regarded as the third generation, and there will be a fourth and a fifth. Hostile forces realize that so long as we of the older generation are still alive and carry weight, no change is possible. But after we are dead and gone, who will ensure that there is no peaceful evolution? So we must educate the army, persons working in the organs of dictatorship, the Communist Party members and the people, including the youth. If any problem arises in China, it will arise from inside the Communist Party. We must keep clear heads. We must pay attention to training people, selecting and promoting to positions of leadership persons who have both ability and political integrity, in accordance with the principle that they should be revolutionary, young, well educated and professionally competent. This is of vital importance to ensure that the Party’s basic line is followed for a hundred years and to maintain long-term peace and stability. It is crucial for the future of China.
 
This is a pressing problem that has not yet been solved satisfactorily, and I hope it will be. I began to think about it when I resumed work after the “cultural revolution”. When we found that it was impossible for our generation to ensure long-term peace and stability, we tried hard to find a third generation to succeed us and recommended a few persons. But that didn’t solve the problem. Two persons who were chosen failed, and not with regard to economic issues; they stumbled over the question of opposing bourgeois liberalization. That was something we could not tolerate. In late May 1989 I said that we should boldly choose for the new leadership persons who were generally recognized as adhering to the line of reform and opening up and who had some achievements in that respect to their credit. This would convince the people that we were wholeheartedly committed to that line. The masses judge from practice. When they come to the conclusion that socialism is good and that reform and the open policy are good, our cause will flourish forever.
 
More young people should be promoted to positions of leadership. The present central leaders are rather advanced in years. Those who are a little over 60 are counted as young. They may be able to work for another 10 years, but 20 years from now they will be in their 80s, like me. They may be able to chat with people, as I’m doing today, but they won’t have the energy to do much work. The current central leaders have been doing a good job. Of course, there are still quite a few problems in their work, but there are always problems in one’s work. It is essential for old people like us to stand aside, give newcomers a free hand and watch them mature. Old people should voluntarily offer younger ones their places and give them help from the sidelines, but never stand in their way. Out of goodwill, they should help them when things are not being handled properly. They must pay attention to training successors of the next generation. The reason I insisted on retiring was that I didn’t want to make mistakes in my old age. Old people have strengths but also great weaknesses — they tend to be stubborn, for example — and they should be aware of that. The older they are, the more modest they should be and the more careful not to make mistakes in their later years. We should go on selecting younger comrades for promotion and helping train them. Don’t put your trust only in old age. I was already in a high position when I was in my 20s. I didn’t know as much as you do now, but I managed. More young people must be chosen, helped, trained and allowed to grow. When they reach maturity, we shall rest easy. Right now we are still worried. In the final analysis, we must manage Party affairs in such a way as to prevent trouble. Then we can sleep soundly. Whether the line for China’s development that was laid down at the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee will continue to be followed depends on the efforts of everyone, and especially on the education of future generations.
 
One of our problems today is formalism. Every time you turn on the television, you see a meeting being held. We hold countless meetings, and our articles and speeches are too long and too repetitious, in both content and language. Of course, some words have to be repeated, but we should try to be concise. Formalism is a kind of bureaucratism. We should spend more time on practical matters. That means saying less and doing more. Chairman Mao never held long meetings, his essays were short and concise and his speeches succinct. When he asked me to draft the work report to be delivered by Premier Zhou Enlai at the Fourth National People’s Congress, he said it should be no more than 5,000 Chinese characters. I kept to 5,000 characters, and they were enough. I suggest you do something about this problem.
 
In studying Marxism-Leninism we must grasp the essence and learn what we need to know. Weighty tomes are for a small number of specialists; how can the masses read them? It is formalistic and impracticable to require that everyone read such works. It was from the Communist Manifesto and The ABC o Communism that I learned the rudiments of Marxism. Recently, some foreigners said that Marxism cannot be defeated. That is so not because there are so many big books, but because Marxism is the irrefutable truth. The essence of Marxism is seeking truth from facts. That’s what we should advocate, not book worship. The reform and the open policy have been successful not because we relied on books, but because we relied on practice and sought truth from facts. It was the peasants who invented the household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output. Many of the good ideas in rural reform came from people at the grass roots. We processed them and raised them to the level of guidelines for the whole country. Practice is the sole criterion for testing truth. I haven’t read too many books, but there is one thing I believe in: Chairman Mao’s principle of seeking truth from facts. That is the principle we relied on when we were fighting wars, and we continue to rely on it in construction and reform. We have advocated Marxism all our lives. Actually, Marxism is not abstruse. It is a plain thing, a very plain truth.
 
 
(六)
我坚信,世界上赞成马克思主义的人会多起来的,因为马克思主义是科学。它运用历史唯物主义揭示了人类社会发展的规律。封建社会代替奴隶社会,资本主义代替封建主义,社会主义经历一个长过程发展后必然代替资本主义。这是社会历史发展不可逆转的总趋势,但道路是曲折的。资本主义代替封建主义的几百年间,发生过多少次王朝复辟?所以,从一定意义上说,某种暂时复辟也是难以完全避免的规律性现象。一些国家出现严重曲折,社会主义好像被削弱了,但人民经受锻炼,从中吸收教训,将促使社会主义向着更加健康的方向发展。因此,不要惊慌失措,不要认为马克思主义就消失了,没用了,失败了。哪有这回事!
世界和平与发展这两大问题,至今一个也没有解决。社会主义中国应该用实践向世界表明,中国反对霸权主义、强权政治,永不称霸。中国是维护世界和平的坚定力量。
我们要在建设有中国特色的社会主义道路上继续前进。
资本主义发展几百年了,我们干社会主义才多长时间!何况我们自己还耽误了20年。如果从建国起,用100年时间把我国建设成中等水平的发达国家,那就很了不起!从现在起到下世纪中叶,将是很要紧的时期,我们要埋头苦干。我们肩膀上的担子重,责任大啊!
 
I am convinced that more and more people will come to believe in Marxism, because it is a science. Using historical materialism, it has uncovered the laws governing the development of human society. Feudal society replaced slave society, capitalism supplanted feudalism, and, after a long time, socialism will necessarily supersede capitalism. This is an irreversible general trend of historical development, but the road has many twists and turns. Over the several centuries that it took for capitalism to replace feudalism, how many times were monarchies restored! So, in a sense, temporary restorations are usual and can hardly be avoided. Some countries have suffered major setbacks, and socialism appears to have been weakened. But the people have been tempered by the setbacks and have drawn lessons from them, and that will make socialism develop in a healthier direction. So don’t panic, don’t think that Marxism has disappeared, that it’s not useful any more and that it has been defeated. Nothing of the sort!
 
Peace and development are the two major issues in the world, and neither one has been resolved. Socialist China should show the world through its actions that it is opposed to hegemonism and power politics and will never seek hegemony. China is a steadfast force for safeguarding world peace.
 
We shall push ahead along the road to Chinese-style socialism. Capitalism has been developing for several hundred years. How long have we been building socialism? Besides, we wasted twenty years. If we can make China a moderately developed country within a hundred years from the founding of the People’s Republic, that will be an extraordinary achievement. The period from now to the middle of the next century will be crucial. We must immerse ourselves in hard work: we have difficult tasks to accomplish and bear a heavy responsibility.
 
 
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About kchew

an occasional culturalist
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