More speeches from Deng Xiao Ping

More speeches made by Deng Xiao Ping. I find his speeches highly readable and not dreary at all. He did not mince his words, and was not afraid of offending others. This actually reminds of an incident with Margaret Thatcher who was the British prime minister in the eighties. Deng gave a very strong (may have used colourful expletives) response to Mrs Thatcher, when she suggested to him that Britain would like to continue holding on to Hongkong even when the lease expired in 1999. Mrs Thatcher lost her typically English composure after that, and when she walked out of the doors, she slipped on the steps and fell down. 

 These speeches have been selected from the collection of his speeches found in People’s Daily site at  


Just as international monopoly capitalists are imposing sanctions on China, you come to visit us with a large delegation. That is an expression of true friendship. In China we have an old saying: A friend in need is a friend indeed. Although we cannot say that we are really in need, we appreciate your showing your friendship by visiting us at this time. We do not feel isolated, since the number of people who offer us sympathy and support far exceeds the number of those who impose sanctions on us.

The national leadership of our country has been shifted to members of a new generation, and it is now they who are dealing with state affairs. Reviewing the past five months when they have been exercising overall leadership, we can see that my retirement has brought no change in China’s strategy for development or in its principles and policies. The leaders of this Central Committee and of succeeding Central Committees will continue to uphold the line, principles and policies that have been formulated since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. Why is it that these principles and policies cannot be changed? Because the practice of the last ten years has proved them correct. If we gave up the policies of reform and opening to the outside world, that would be tantamount to abandoning our fundamental development strategy.

Although we had made some mistakes in our work, the international climate was also partly responsible for the recent incident. Western countries, particularly the United States, set all their propaganda machines in motion to fan the flames, to encourage and support the so-called democrats or opposition in China, who were in fact the scum of the Chinese nation. That is how the turmoil came about. In inciting unrest in many countries, they are actually playing power politics and seeking hegemony. They are trying to bring into their sphere of influence countries that heretofore they have not been able to control. Once this point is made clear, it will help us understand the nature of the problem and learn from experience.

This turmoil has been a lesson to us. We are more keenly aware that first priority should always be given to national sovereignty and security. Some Western countries, on the pretext that China has an unsatisfactory human rights record and an irrational and illegitimate socialist system, attempt to jeopardise our national sovereignty. Countries that play power politics are not qualified to talk about human rights. How many people’s human rights have they violated throughout the world! Since the Opium War, when they began to invade China, how many Chinese people’s human rights have they violated! The Group of Seven summit meeting held in Paris adopted a resolution imposing sanctions on China, which meant they thought they had supreme authority and could impose sanctions on any country and people not obedient to their wishes. They are not the United Nations. And even the resolutions of the United Nations have to be approved by a majority before they come into force. What grounds have they for interfering in the internal affairs of China? Who gave them power to do that? The Chinese people will never accept any action that violates the norms of international relations, and they will never yield to outside pressure.

This turmoil has also made us more aware of the importance of stability. When Nixon and Kissinger came to visit China not long ago, I told them that if China wanted to shake off poverty and modernize, stability was crucial. Actually I had said the same thing to other Americans before this incident. We can accomplish nothing without a stable environment. So we had to quell the turmoil by imposing martial law. If factors that might cause unrest emerge in future, we shall take tough measures to eliminate them as quickly as possible, so as to protect our country from any external interference and to secure our national sovereignty.

We have also drawn another lesson: that we must quickly correct the mistakes we made in certain areas. Ideological education should be strengthened. We still have to work hard. But in recent years we haven’t talked enough about the need to work hard, and we haven’t even done it ourselves. We haven’t said much either about the need to rely chiefly on ourselves. And we have to readjust the economic order to ensure more rapid development.

Although I have retired, I am still concerned about the development of Sino-Japanese relations. After all, our two countries are close neighbours, and I have always cherished a special feeling for the friendship between us. Even during the years when Japanese militarists were waging a war of aggression against China, many Japanese opposed the war. When we evaluate history, we should take all the elements into consideration. We should remember that Japan invaded China, but we should also remember that many Japanese people, including public figures, have worked hard to promote friendship between our two countries. Indeed, there have been a great many of them! Surely not everyone will be pleased that so large a delegation as yours has come to China. However, you have demonstrated by your courageous action that the Japanese people, like the Chinese people, hope that China and Japan will be friends from generation to generation. The only way to answer those few people who are unhappy to see China and Japan on good terms is to increasingly strengthen our friendship and expand our cooperation.

(Excerpt from a talk with Sakurauchi Yoshio and other leading members of a delegation from the Japanese Association for the Promotion of International Trade.)



Forty years have passed since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, and we have laid a good foundation for economic development. Since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh CPC Central Committee, we have been concentrating on modernizing the country so as to revitalize the Chinese nation. Unless we modernize, China will never attain its rightful position in the international community. But the modernization we are working for is socialist modernization. Only socialism can bind the people together, help them overcome their difficulties, prevent polarization of wealth and bring about common prosperity.

Last year there was some unrest in China. As was necessary, we brought the situation under control. I asked others to tell President Bush that if the political situation in China became unstable, the trouble would spread to the rest of the world, with consequences that would be hard to imagine. Stability is essential to economic development, and only under the leadership of the Communist Party can there be a stable socialist China.

Some Western countries have imposed sanctions on China, but to no avail. It was after twenty-two years of fighting that the People’s Republic was founded, and the experience of blockades, sanctions and isolation by certain countries has only served to mature it. Our development over the past forty years, and especially over the last decade, has increased our strength. China will never collapse; on the contrary, it will grow stronger. This is what the nation, the people and the times demand.

I am a Chinese, and I am familiar with the history of foreign aggression against China. When I heard that the seven Western countries, at their summit meeting, had decided to impose sanctions on China, my immediate association was to 1900, when the allied forces of the eight powers invaded China. Six of these same seven countries, excluding Canada, together with czarist Russia and Austria, constituted the eight powers that formed the allied forces in those days. Our people should study Chinese history; it will inspire us to develop the country.

Some people abroad are talking about the “Asia-Pacific century”. Asia has a population of 3 billion people, and 1.1 billion of them live on the mainland of China. The so-called Asia-Pacific century will make no sense unless China develops. Of course, it will make no sense unless India develops too. The image of China depends on the mainland, and the prospects for China’s development also depend on the mainland. Taiwan is contending with the mainland for authority over China. It really overestimates its strength. It would be better for both sides to be broad-minded. For our part, we have already shown our broad-mindedness by proposing the formula of “one country, two systems”. We believe that eventually our motherland will be reunified on the basis of that principle.

It will not be long before the People’s Republic of China, which is already a political power, becomes an economic power as well. China’s seat in the United Nations belongs to the People’s Republic. Although the average per capita income is quite low on the mainland, we are not backward in every field. For instance, our annual output of iron and steel has reached 60 million tons. Space technology and high technology in other areas have developed rapidly in China, and we have had a high rate of success in launching satellites. The Chinese are very intelligent. Chinese scientists have scored great achievements despite poor research conditions and poor living conditions. When the Chinese people are disunited, they are weak, but when they join together, they have enormous strength.

We Chinese should bestir ourselves. The mainland has developed a solid economic foundation. Besides, we have tens of millions of overseas compatriots, and they want to see China grow strong and prosperous. We are unique in that respect. We shall seize every opportunity to develop. We do not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, nor do we fear their sanctions. China opposes hegemonism, and we shall never seek hegemony ourselves. China’s prospects for the next century are excellent.

(Excerpt from a talk with Dhanin Chearavanont, Chairman of the Board of the Chia Tai Group in Thailand.)



Ever since last year some countries have imposed sanctions on China. I think, first, they have no right to do so; second, experience has proved that China has the ability to withstand these sanctions. Our economic development has been affected to some extent, but not very seriously. In fact, the sanctions are gradually abating. One special feature of China’s development is that it has proceeded under international sanctions for most of the forty years since the founding of the People’s Republic. If there is nothing else we’re good at, we’re good at withstanding sanctions. So we are not worried or pessimistic about them; we take them calmly. Despite the trouble that has arisen in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and despite the sanctions imposed by seven Western countries, we adhere to one principle: to maintain contacts and build good relations with the Soviet Union, with the United States, and also with Japan and the European countries. We have never wavered in this principle. China is magnanimous and is not upset by trifles like that.

China will never accept interference by other countries in its internal affairs. It was on the basis of our own conditions that we decided upon our social system, a system that our people endorse. Why should we accept foreign interference designed to change that decision? The key principle governing the new international order should be noninterference in other countries’ internal affairs and social systems. It won’t work to require all the countries in the world to copy the patterns set by the United States, Britain and France. There are many Islamic countries, making up one fifth of the world’s population. In these countries it is absolutely impossible to introduce a so-called democratic system of the American type. The People’s Republic of China, with another fifth of the world’s population, will not adopt America’s capitalist system either. The African countries too, through the Organization of African Unity, demand with one voice that no other country interfere in their internal affairs. This is the general trend throughout the world.

Given this background, if the Western developed countries insisted on interfering in other countries’ internal affairs and social systems, it would lead to international turmoil, especially in the developing countries of the Third World, which need a stable political environment to lift themselves out of poverty. If there is political instability, how can they concentrate on solving the problem of food? Not to mention the problem of development. We must therefore take the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as the norms for the new international political and economic order. Hegemonism and power politics, which have emerged in new form, cannot last long. Allowing a few countries to monopolize everything, as they have done for years, has never solved any problems, and it never will.

The conditions necessary for China to reach its development goal are a stable domestic environment and a peaceful international environment. We don’t care what people say about us; what we do care about is to have a good environment in which to develop our country. We shall be satisfied if history proves the superiority of the Chinese socialist system. Whether the social systems of other countries are good or bad is not our business. After the events in Eastern Europe, I told some Americans not to rejoice too soon. The situation was complicated enough, the problems of Eastern Europe had not been solved, and it would be better for people not to provoke more trouble.

If China were in turmoil, can you imagine what it would be like? I don’t think it would simply be the same as the “cultural revolution”, when the older generation of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and other prestigious leaders were around. Although the “cultural revolution” has been described as a full-scale civil war, there was no fierce fighting, no actual civil war. But now things have changed. If the situation deteriorated to the point where our Party and the state power couldn’t function, with each faction controlling a part of the army, a civil war would indeed erupt. As soon as they seized power, the so-called fighters for democracy would start fighting each other. And if a civil war broke out, with blood flowing like a river, what “human rights” would there be? If civil war broke out in China, with each faction dominating a region, production declining, transportation disrupted and not millions or tens of millions but hundreds of millions of refugees fleeing the country, it is the Asia-Pacific region, which is at present the most promising in the world, that would be the first to be affected. And that would lead to disaster on a world scale.

So China must not allow itself to descend into turmoil; we have that responsibility to ourselves and to all mankind. Even responsible foreign statesmen would acknowledge that China must remain stable. Human rights and democratic rights are not related to this question. The only solution is peaceful coexistence and cooperation of all countries with different social systems on the basis of the Five Principles, not interference in other countries’ internal affairs and provoking disorders. China has raised this question to alert everyone, to remind all countries to be careful when they decide on their policies towards China.

(Excerpt from a talk with Pierre Elliott Trudeau, former Prime Minister of Canada.)



(Nb: This speech was made in the midst of the student protest at Tiananmen).

The policies of reform and opening to the outside world should remain unchanged for dozens of years, and we have to keep driving this point home. People both in China and abroad are concerned about this question. We should continue to implement the lines, principles and policies that have been formulated since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, without even altering their wording. The political report to the Thirteenth National Party Congress was approved by the congress, and not a single word of it can be changed. I have consulted Comrades Li Xiannian and Chen Yun on this matter, and they agree with me.

After the disturbances are put down, we shall have to make a few things clear to the people. There are two things in particular we have to do for this purpose.

First, we should change the leadership. The new central leading bodies should take on an entirely new look, so that people will feel that there is a promising new lineup of leaders who will carry out reform. This is the most important thing to do. You have to appear before the people! The people will judge you on the basis of the impression you make. If they feel that the leadership is hidebound, conservative or mediocre and that it does not represent the future of China, there will be many more disturbances and never any peace. The current disturbances are not over. The students have not yet returned to classes. And even after they do, they may well turn out in the streets again.

One thing is certain: the workers, peasants, intellectuals and students all hope for reform. This time there are all kinds of slogans but none voicing opposition to reform. However, the “reform” advocated by certain people should be renamed liberalization — that is, going capitalist. The essence of their “reform” is to go capitalist. The reform we are carrying out is different from theirs. There will be more debate on this subject. In short, in deciding on members of the new leading bodies, the most important consideration is that they should be perceived as reformers. This is not ninety-nine per cent important, but one hundred per cent important. We have to recognize this.

Second, we should accomplish some practical things to prove that we are fighting corruption genuinely, not hypocritically. Actually, we have been determined to fight it all along. I too am outraged by corruption. Over the last few years I have always stressed the importance of combating it; you have heard my remarks on the subject time and again. And I often try to find out whether there is any violation of law or discipline in my own family. We can always uncover major cases of corruption if we want to. The problem is that we are usually hesitant about handling such cases. So we end up losing the support of the people, who come to believe that we are protecting the wrongdoers. We must pass this test and keep our promise. If we really want to win the trust of the people, we have to call a spade a spade and deal with cases as they should be dealt with. We should take up 10 or 20 cases of corruption, graft or bribery at the provincial or national level. We must uncover such cases speedily, make them known to the public and handle them according to law. Penalties should be imposed on all guilty parties, no matter who they are.

A good leading group, a group that carries out the policies of reform and opening to the outside world, will achieve visible successes. Whenever an opportunity arises, they will not let it go but seize it to advance the reform and to open the country wider. I have said we should build more Hong Kongs. That means that we should open to the outside world instead of closing our doors — open wider than before. If we don’t, it will be impossible to develop the country. We have only a small amount of capital, but with our doors open we can create more jobs, levy taxes and earn some money by leasing land, all of which will promote economic development and increase our revenue. For example, Hong Kong is of benefit to us. Without Hong Kong, we would not be well informed, to say the least. In short, we should be more daring in the reform and opening to the outside world.

Today you have been invited to come here and think over whether you agree with the following views. The first thing we have to do to reassure the people and win their trust is to form a central group of leaders who have the image of promoters of reform and the open policy. The second thing is to achieve some visible results. We must punish corruption, and at the same time we must make it clear that we are resolved not to change the current policies but, on the contrary, to deepen the reform and open still wider to the outside world. We must convince the people through our actions; that’s the only way to calm them down. Otherwise, some people will take to the streets today and others will follow suit tomorrow. If we don’t give deeper thought to this matter, we won’t have even a month’s peace. We have to recognize that it is of overall importance.

Our comrades on the Political Bureau, on the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and in the Secretariat are all in charge of important affairs. In approaching any problem, they should therefore keep their eyes on long-term interests and the situation as a whole. Minor matters should be subordinated to major ones. This is of prime importance.

Everybody has shortcomings. All of us present here have shortcomings, and other people have theirs too. Everybody has his weaknesses. Naturally there are differences. Some people have major shortcomings, others have minor ones; some have more, others fewer. There is nobody who has no shortcomings. No doubt the members of our leading group have had only limited experience in politics and struggle. That’s true. The first stable and mature collective of leaders of the CPC was formed by Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai and Zhu De. All previous ones had been unstable and immature. From Chen Duxiu to the Zunyi Meeting, not a single leading group was truly mature. For one period of time, a worker was dragged into the post of General Secretary because, it was argued, it was necessary to stress the leadership of the working class. In the history of the Party, Mao, Liu, Zhou and Zhu formed the first generation of truly mature leadership. During the early period of their tenure of office, that generation of leaders was good, but during the later period the “cultural revolution” caused a catastrophe. Hua Guofeng was merely an interim leader and cannot be counted as representing a generation. He had no ideas of his own but the “two whatevers”. We are of the second generation, now being replaced by the third.

We should establish a new third generation of leaders worthy of the name. These leaders should win the trust of the people and the Party members. People don’t necessarily have to be pleased with each and every member of the leading group, but they have to be pleased with the group as a collective. They may have complaints of one sort or another about each member of the leading group, but if they are pleased with the group as a collective, that will be all right. For the second generation of leaders, I can be considered as the group leader, but the group is still a collective. By and large, the people are pleased with our collective, because we have carried out the policies of reform and opening to the outside world, put forward the line of concentrating on modernization and brought about tangible results. The third generation of leaders must likewise win the trust of the people and bring about tangible results. We must never close our doors. China can never go back to the days of isolationism. Isolationism brought about disasters like the “cultural revolution”. Under those circumstances it was impossible to develop the economy, improve the people’s lives or increase the strength of the country. The world today is progressing by leaps and bounds; changes are taking place from one day to the next, especially in the realm of science and technology. It will be difficult for us to catch up.

The third generation of leaders of the Central Committee should win the trust of the people, so that they will rally around it. We should unswervingly combat bourgeois liberalization and adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles. On this point I have never made any concessions. Can China reject the Four Cardinal Principles? Can we refrain from exercising the people’s democratic dictatorship? It is a matter of fundamental importance whether we uphold the people’s democratic dictatorship, Marxism, socialism and leadership by the Communist Party.

The new leading bodies we are about to form should be farsighted and broad-minded. This is the most fundamental requirement to be met by our third generation of leaders. Our first generation of leaders were broad-minded during their early period in office, and on the whole, the second generation has been so too. The same requirement should be met by leaders of the third and subsequent generations. Candidates for members of the new Political Bureau, the Secretariat and especially the new Standing Committee of the Political Bureau should be selected on the basis of their position on reform and opening to the outside world. The members of the new leading bodies should constantly take action to prove that they are truly carrying out the policies of reform and opening up that have been formulated since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. Thus the people will have confidence in them.

When it comes to promoting people, you must abandon all your personal prejudices and try to find those who the people believe will keep to the line of reform. When selecting the right person for the right job, you should forget about settling old scores and choose from among people who were once against you. For a long time Chairman Mao dared to make use of people who had once opposed him. When considering candidates, you should be more broad-minded. This too is a kind of reform, an ideological reform, an emancipation of the mind. I sincerely hope that when you select people for jobs, you will pay attention to public opinion and not let yourselves be swayed by your own sentiments. You should deal with this matter in a statesmanlike way. You should choose precisely those who, as acknowledged by the people, keep to the policies of reform and opening to the outside world and who have achieved something in this connection. You should not hesitate to include them in the new leading bodies, so as to convince the people that you are sincere in carrying out those policies. Everyone has shortcomings. They can continue to remedy their shortcomings after they have been admitted to the leading bodies.

First, we should use reformers who are recognized as such by the public, and second, the new leading bodies should take action to promote reform and opening up so as to reassure the people. A good image can be established in three to six months. The students are only demanding that we continue the reform, and that is precisely what we are doing. So we and the students are marching in step, and the misunderstanding will disappear of itself. But it cannot be removed by writing articles and holding debates. One of the causes for the recent turmoil is the growth of corruption, which has made some people lose confidence in the Party and the government. Therefore, we should first of all rectify our own mistakes and show understanding for some of the actions taken by the masses. We should deal with such actions in an appropriate way, without involving too many people.

A member of the top leadership should no longer be content to be his old self with his old outlook, because he has undertaken different responsibilities. He should work to make changes in himself, including changes in his style of work. It is not easy to lead a country like ours. A leader’s responsibilities are different. The most important thing is to be broad-minded. And when you examine a question, you have to bear in mind the overall interests, keeping in view the world, the future, the present and all other factors.

Another problem is that small factions or cliques must never be allowed to take shape in the Party. Strictly speaking, no factions of any sort have ever taken shape in our Party. While in Jiangxi in the 1930s, I was regarded as a member of the Mao faction, but it was not true. There simply was no Mao faction. It is of key importance to be tolerant of all kinds of people and unite with them. As for myself, I am not a perfect man who makes no mistakes; I have made many. But I have a clear conscience, partly because I have never tried to form a clique. When I was transferred to a new post, I used to go there alone, without taking even my orderly. A clique is a terrible thing that leads to many failures and mistakes. I have tried to make this point clear today because you have to work in the front lines, bearing the brunt of all difficulties.

Once the new leading group has established its prestige, I am resolved to withdraw and not interfere in your affairs. I hope all the members will unite closely around Comrade Jiang Zemin. So long as the collective leadership is united and adheres to the policies of reform and opening to the outside world, fundamental changes will take place in China even if our country develops only at a measured pace for dozens of years. The core leader will play the key role. I should like you to convey my words to every comrade who will be working in the new leading bodies. This can be considered my political testament

(Excerpt from a talk with two leading members of the CPC Central Committee.)



(K Chew note: This is one of the speeches he made while touring the south, to promote economic reform, which encountered stiff resistance back then from his political rivals and those not keen on the economic reforms and opening up) .

It is late for us to be developing Shanghai, so we have to work hard.

When we decided to establish the four special economic zones in 1979, we chose them mainly on the basis of their geographical advantages. Shenzhen is adjacent to Hong Kong, and Zhuhai is close to Macao. We chose Shantou because there are many natives of nearby Chaozhou living in Southeast Asian countries. Xiamen became a special economic zone because many natives of southern Fujian have emigrated to other countries and gone into trade. However, we did not take the intellectual advantages of Shanghai into account. Since the people of Shanghai are clever and well educated, if we had decided to establish a special economic zone here, the city would look very different now.

The 14 open coastal cities include Shanghai, but these have no special status. It would have been better to develop the Pudong District a few years ago, like the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone. Development of the Pudong District will have a great impact not just on the district itself but on all of Shanghai, which in turn will serve as a base for the development of the Yangtze delta and the whole Yangtze basin. So we should lose no time in developing the Pudong District and persevere until construction is completed. So long as we keep our word and act in accordance with international practice, foreign entrepreneurs will choose to invest in Shanghai. That is the right way to compete.

Finance is very important, because it is the core of the modern economy. Handling financial affairs well is the key to success in this sphere. Shanghai used to be a financial centre where different currencies were freely exchanged, and it should become so again. If China is to acquire international status in finance, we should depend primarily on Shanghai. It will take many years, but we should act now.

Our Party should adhere to the policies of reform and opening to the outside world for decades to come. Some people may have different views about this, but they are still well-intentioned. One reason people may differ is that they are not adapting to the new policies; another is that they are afraid problems will arise. If I am the only one to speak in favour of reform and opening up, it won’t be enough. The entire Party membership should do so too, and for decades. Of course, we should not be too impatient; we have to use facts to demonstrate that our policies are correct. When we proposed instituting the household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output, many people disagreed and doubted that the system was socialist. They didn’t say anything, but in their hearts they were not convinced, and they dragged their feet about applying it. Some people refused to apply it for two years, and we just waited.

Don’t think that any planned economy is socialist and any market economy is capitalist. That’s not the way things are. In fact, planning and regulation by the market are both means of controlling economic activity, and the market can also serve socialism.

We cannot keep the door closed to the outside world. During the “cultural revolution” there was the Fengqing incident; I quarreled about it with the Gang of Four. Since it was only a 10,000-ton ship, it was nothing to boast about. In 1920 when I went to study in France, I took a foreign packet of 50,000 tons. Now that China is opening to the outside world, we can make ships of 100,000 and 200,000 tons. If we hadn’t opened up, we would still be hammering out automobile parts the way we did in the past. Now things are vastly different; there has been a qualitative change that can be seen in every field, not just in the automobile industry. We have to be determined about opening to the outside, because there are many obstacles in the way. Some people say that the three forms of ventures involving foreign investment [joint, cooperative and foreign-owned] are not part of the national economy, and they are afraid to see them develop. This is not good. It is hard to develop the economy without opening up. Countries all over the world have to open up for economic development, and the Western countries encourage the flow of funds and technology.

Defence-related enterprises have long since begun to manufacture both military and civilian products. That is the right thing to do. In some countries this has not been done, and they have therefore run into difficulties.

We should overcome our fears. Everything has to be tried first by someone — that’s the only way new trails are blazed. That first person must be prepared to fail, but if he does, it doesn’t matter. So I hope the people of Shanghai will further emancipate their minds, be more daring and move ahead faster.

(Addressed to leading cadres of Shanghai.)



About kchew

an occasional culturalist
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